Companion to Critical Geopolitics

About three years ago Klaus Dodds, Alan Ingram and Merje Kuus convinced Ashgate to establish a book series with the title Critical Geopolitics. Since then the series has seen the publication of four volumes: Europe in the World, Reconstructing ConflictMapping the End Times, and Spaces of Security and Insecurity. Those familiar with Ashgate’s publishing niche will not be surprised that these books are mostly in hardback and extremely expensive (over $100). The exception is Mapping the End Times edited by Jason Dittmer, University College London, and Tristan Sturm, an Agnew student at UCLA, which is available in paperback for $40.

A fifth volume is currently in production edited by Klaus Dodds, Joanne Sharp and Merje Kuus officially called The Ashgate Research Companion to Critical Geopolitics. The lineup of authors, and subject material, is impressive. I was unaware of the volume until January when Joanne asked me to write a prologue. Yesterday I finished the short piece, which I will not reproduce here for copyright reasons. Instead, I will post the table of contents of the volume, with an embed link to the video I discuss in the prologue (around minute 2 is the passage I begin with). I expect Political Geographers will be keen to get their hands on the volume. But will Ashgate make it affordable?

Table of Contents

Prologue: Arguing About Geopolitics, Gerard Toal (Gearóid Ó Tuathail)

Introduction: Geopolitics and its Discontents, Klaus Dodds, Merje Kuus, and Joanne Sharp

 I: Foundations

Introduction: Geopolitical Foundations, Klaus Dodds

The Origins of Critical Geopolitics, John Agnew

Realism and Geopolitics, Simon Dalby

Texts, Discourse, Affect and Things, Martin Muller

Visual culture, Rachel Hughes

Heteronormativity, Linda Peake

Sovereignty, Fiona McConnell

Radical geopolitics, Julian Mercille

Neo-Liberalism, Simon Springer

Geopolitical Traditions, James Sidaway

 II: Sites

Introduction: Geopolitical Sites, Joanne Sharp

Borders, Anssi Paasi

State, Sami Moisio

Militarisation, Matt Farish

Media, Paul Adams

Resources, Phillippe Le Billon

Environment, Shannon O’Lear

Global South, Chi-Yuan Woon

Intimacy and the Everyday, Deborah Cowen and Brett Story

Spaces of Terror, Ulrich Oslender

III. Agents

Introduction: Human Agency in Geopolitics, Merje Kuus

Non-State Actors, Alex Jeffrey

International Organizations, Veit Bachmann

Indigenous Groups, Chris Gibson

Journalists, Alasdair Pinkerton

Artists, Alan Ingram

Evangelicals, Jason Dittmer

Intellectuals of Statecraft, Mathew Coleman

Women, Jennifer Fluri

Activists, Kye Askins

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Researching the Founding Fathers: Karadzic and Mladic

Last Friday I attended a conference entitled fY + 20 (the former Yugoslavia plus 20 years) organized by my co-author Dr Carl Dahlman at the Miami University in Oxford Ohio (with the help of others and sponsoring institutions). It was a small but high quality conference with some excellent presentations and discussions by, among others, Robert Donia, John Agnew and Robert Hayden. I presented a paper on Dodik and my research assistant (RA) presented our joint project on Radovan Karadzic and the 1990 election campaign which we will also present at the forthcoming Association for the Study of Nationalities conference in April in New York. It was great to learn that Dr Donia, author of the excellent Sarajevo: A Biography, is finishing a biography on this “founding father” of Republika Srpska.

The other infamous founding father, of course, is Radko Mladic (insert picture is one I took of graffiti on destroyed building in Srebrenica, summer 2005). Today, Dr John O’Loughlin, my RA and I had an informal presentation at the US Holocaust Museum where we met with Michael Dobbs and a number of others. He is working on a research project on Mladic and has written important background articles which is available on the Foreign Policy web site. He and his RA Sarah Collman are also gathering materials The Mladic Files which are available on the Holocaust Museum website.

Tis great to see that the hard work of research on these two figures now before the ICTY is now occurring. There is still a lot to be learnt about both figures and about the crucial turning points in Bosnia’s decent into bloody civil war.

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Murdered Children

Our party “demands that statehood and love for great states do not cause one child’s tear, let alone the shedding of one drop of human blood.” Thus spoke Radovan Karadzic on 10 August 1990. A leader of a new political party in a relatively obscure part of the world at the time, Karadzic would go on to become perhaps the most notorious war criminal of the late twentieth and early twenty first century. Forces under the direction of Ratko Mladic, ostensibly the military commander of the army in Karadzic’s self-declared state Republika Srpska, went on the kill thousands of Bosnian civilians, many of them children. Around Srebrenica in the most frenzied killing, over 8,000 civilians were killed, mostly men and boys, at least 500 of whom were under 18 years of age.

In the last few days we have seen pictures of murdered children from across the world. Around the city of Homs, there was a massacre of civilians, mostly women and children. Over the weekend, an Army staff sergeant, walking off the outpost, Camp Belambi in the Panjwai district in Kandahar, and murdered 16 Afghan civilians, mostly women and children. And, in Gaza, the Isreali military launched a series of attacks which claimed the lives of at least 25 Palestinians, some of them (to use the euphemism used in some press reports) “militants” but also some civilians, possibly including children (reports are not precise on this). A BBC television report yesterday showed a destroyed building where a family lived but miraculously survived. In the mix these days is also the viral video over the leader of the Lords Resistance Army, Joseph Kony, who recruited child soldiers for his army.

The death of children is one of the most horrific things that we have to come to terms with, as parents, family members and friends. When they are murdered in conflict, the consequences only further entrench polarization and hate. It takes extraordinary human capacities to transcend that. In the incidents described above, it can be claimed that the murdered children were the unfortunate results of state military formations addressing genuine terrorist threats. “We killed them because they threaten our children” is the base response. But these are massive moments of failure for these state military organizations, moments when they have manifestly lost their legitimacy before the world. Recognizing that is hard for these organizations but failing to do so only deepens the problem they claim to be addressing.

In my essay on the terrorist attack at Beslan, I tried to address some of these issues but only scratched the surface. That essay was motivated to a small degree by the experience of my own university on April 16 2007, a horrible black day. Today a jury found that our university leadership was not as responsive as they might have been to the tragedy, a finding that seems likely to be appealed.

There is no easy way to respond to the horror of murdered children but recognizing responses by state military formations contain the capacity to righteously inflict new horrors is a start. The visceral dimensions at which this response works, its groundedness in certain evolutionary impulses of a biological-social nature, needs understanding.

I am speaking at a conference on the former Yugoslavia at the Havighurst Center at Miami University in Oxford Ohio this Friday on the subject of Karadzic and Dodik.

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Lost with the Geographers

The 2012 Association of American Geographers Conference in New York this last weekend was the largest ever. There were 60 concurrent sessions to that on Bosnia Remade which was scheduled for the crowd appealing time of 8 am Monday morning. (Theoretically one could go to this conference for 2 months and have a different academic conference each time). Fortunately we had a decent showing and some excellent comments from the panelists. I will place audio files of their comments on the book’s web site in the coming days. Also the book picked up the Julian Minghi Outstanding Research Award from the Political Geography Specialty Group which was a nice honor. The award is named after a wonderfully supportive English-born academic who taught for his academic career in the Geography Department at the University of South Carolina. Julian got his Ph D in Political Geoography at the University of Washington fifty years ago this year. Before becoming an academic he served as a soldier in the second British Army on the Rhine. During World War II, Julian was one of the many children evacuated from London before the Blitz.

Carl Dahlman and I were presented with the award at lunchtime today, thought the Association in clueless alphabetic bureaucratic wisdom decided to do so separately, with Alex Jeffrey (formerly Newcastle and soon to be Geography at Cambridge University) receiving the young scholar of the year award, in between. So there is no photo of the authors receiving the award together.

The predominant experience of the AAG is of flow and speed, of many many good friends barely greeting as one runs to sessions, of sessions missed because of other legitimate commitments (like talking to friends or editors), of an academic event at war with its important socializing function. The meeting is too big but its great to see the Association thriving as it’s an important advocate for the profession, or rather professions that travel under the Geography sign.

Mary Robinson’s address was very well crafted and inspiring. It’s nice to see how she continues to push for debate on questions of social justice and equity under the rubric of ‘climate justice.’ More power to her and the new woman AAG president Audrey Kobayashi. Vive la Geographie!

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In the Land of Blood and Honey

I finally managed to see In the Land of Blood and Honey, the directorial and writing debut of Angelina Jolie, and at our wonderful historic neighborhood cinema, the Avalon. There’s nothing like leaving home ten minutes before showtime and walking to an interesting film.

The potential for Jolie to screw this up was very high, and its to her great credit that the film she has written and directed is an excellent piece of work. The cinematic photography is professional and engaging; a few shots with digital backgrounds were too ‘enhanced’ (suggesting a video game) and didn’t look great next to the rest but the dark, ruined, decayed look brought a compelling aesthetic to the screen. Second, the acting is very very good, with the two main characters, and supporting actors, finding an emotional tenor and tone that brought depth to their characters. That can not have been easy. Third, the emotional relationships are also quite compelling and engaging. The war is not incidental but it is also not quite at the emotional heart of the film. The possibility of love and trust between two people who find themselves not only from opposing groups in a racist/ethnicist war but with radically different power positions is a brave subject to tackle. Writing that out required some emotional dexterity, maturity and insight into the dark corners of sexual relationships. Human relations of various kinds — mother-son, sister-sister, father-son, master-slave, lover-lover — are the universal dynamics it explores. Filling out the geopolitical context of the film without getting off kilter also is an achievement. Finally, the film does have what we expect from cinema, the ‘entertainment’ of kinetic action, suspense, sex, art as well as some twists and turns. Its ending is a bit dramatic, the scene before the UN soldiers, and perhaps unrealistic but its a film.

How true is it to the Bosnian war? Well those who know this history well will not recognize much in the characters just as those who know Bosnia will not recognize most of the locations. It travels from April 1992 to post-Srebrenica 1995 (interestingly mispronounced twice in a radio broadcast, perhaps deliberately in a nod to the butchering of local names that locals are all too familiar with). Its portrait of the Serbs is not deep but not inaccurate either in its voicing of myths of resistance against Turkish oppression, the real history of World War II massacres, and the proclivity of many to hold racist conceptions of Muslims. It is also not monolithic. Some Serb characters are given sympathetic backstories and many have depth. These are not cut-out evil characters. The portrait of the ARBiH is misleading in that it is cast as a resistance movement rather than a proper army. Easily the most interesting aspect of the film is its gendered perspective. This is a film that portrays the Bosnian war from the perspective of women and mothers. This is established early on with the two sisters and while the film moves beyond this at times, it comes back to the theme of patriarchal violence — not all of it men against women but also father against son — again in effective ways. Some aspects of the film, those concerning sexual violence against women, are shocking and deeply disturbing. Violence is always close to the surface, the VRS soldiers always capable of brutality and sadism. One doesn’t quite know how Daniele will behave at all times just as one doesn’t quite know if Anja really loves him or not. The scene suggesting a Srebrenica style massacre is hardly satisfactory but what could do justice to that horror?

In summary, this is a surprisingly strong film and I hope it garners a wide audience and some awards for the actors. Congratulations to those involved in the film for producing something of genuine artistic worth. That’s not common so its worth noting when it happens.

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Spectres of Sarajevo in Syria

The indiscriminate pummeling of particular neighborhoods in the Syrian city of Homs continues, with scores dying every day. That the dead today included the French photojournalist Remi Ochlik and the American born Sunday Times journalist Marie Colvin adds international names alongside the nameless Syrian dead. It also brings the bloodshed into our own civilization and media in ways that hit home with those within the Euro-Atlantic political class, and media elite. Many now are beginning to analogize the situation in Homs to that faced by Sarajevo at the outset of the Bosnian war in April 1992.

Its interesting how Bosnia has become a stock of references, metaphors and lessons in the rhetoric of Western policymakers and security intellectuals, not to mention an appealing locale for famous auteur film-making. Hearing officials in the Obama administration, and former Bush administration officials like Paul Wolfowitz, recently evoke the threat of ‘another Srebrenica’ in Libya was instructive about how Bosnia is now a sign system projected onto current conflicts. The implications of this have to be considered empirically in each case but it is interesting that many Euro-Atlantic figures reach for Bosnian analogies rather than regional ones to understand contemporary Syria. Bosnia seems to signify: intervention was the right choice, even though it was hard and did not look promising. Iraq signifies that intervention was the wrong choice, even though it looked easy.

The Lebanese born American academic Fouad Adjami was a terrible guide to Iraq for the US public and Bush administration in 2003. I distinctly remember him claiming that the US invaders would be met with flowers. Such irresponsible claims lead to a massive foreign policy blunder, and its a wonder such false prophets are ever listened to again. But they are. Last night he was on television once more (BBC America) telling us that Homs is like Sarajevo, and that the good people of Syria, like Bosnians in the past, deserve our help and intervention (unspecified). Too simple, too simple by far, an appeal purely to sentimentality rather than a considered argument that empathy for the suffering requires our responsibility to act, and that doing so with regional allies has a worthy normative rationale beyond geopolitical scenarios concerning Israel and Iran.

This evening the journalist John Burns was interviewed by BBC America and also evoked Sarajevo as an appropriate analogy to Homs. Somewhat astonishingly he cited the old figure of 250,000 dead before the West intervened, a figure that has long been demonstrated as inflated. Just over 100,000 died, way way too many of course, but the slip revealed a memory that was not empirically responsible.

Is Homs Sarajevo? Yes and most definitely not. It is, at base, a similar instance of an armed force firing indiscriminately into an urban area, a place of human habitation. It is a war crime, and should be prosecuted as such (I see the UN are now recommending prosecution of officials for ‘war crimes’). But the situation in Syria is one where a predatory regime is seeking to retain its hold on power by bloody and brutal means. This is not comparable to Bosnia at all, which was a nationalist war of aggression against a capital city that symbolized a multiethnic cosmopolitan alternative. Syria is often described as ethnically divided like Bosnia but this is also misleading. The degree to which the regime has successfully ethnicized certain segments of the population is an open question, and we will not know the answer to this until the crisis plays itself out.

There should be intervention to end the bloodshed in Syria but it should be undertaken by Turkey, with allies from the Middle East. NATO and the Euro-Atlantic powers should play a supportive human security focused role. There are no formulaic lessons from the Bosnian war. Spectres of Sarajevo, and righteous outrage over the deaths of these brave journalists, should not substitute for the task of thinking about Syria on its own terms.

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Affect and Authenticity: The Romney Problem

Most contemporary geographers will be aware that the discipline has been grappling with a movement called ‘non-representational theory’ for the last few years, codified by, among other things, Nigel Thrift’s book of that same name (like many, I think the name is not helpful in suggesting an oppositional: ‘more than representational’ is certainly better). This movement within Geography is part of a larger ‘affect turn’ in contemporary social science, though it is still fringe in the more positivistic enthralled disciplines like Political Science, and, of course, Economics.

The reasons for the ‘affective turn’ are numerous but some are manifestly the result of George W Bush’s ‘gut feeling’ presidency and its disasters. I’ve long been interested in the persuasive power of non-rational representation. As some know I began academic work studying Reagan’s hyperbolic geopolitics in Central America. How could rebel movements in a tiny place like El Salvador possibly threaten the United States? How could the Sandinistas possibly be this massive threat? I’m sure many of you remember the funny cartoon maps from this time — e.g. The World According to Ronald Reagan – that captured this phenomenon in popular culture.

If you read some of my early essays in critical geopolitics you will also know that I’ve had a longstanding interest in the unconscious and its role in political rhetoric. I have not, however, had the time or occasion to systematically develop what can be described as ‘affective geopolitics.’ I came out of my Bosnia work briefly to write about the Iraq war for a commissioned project for Antipode which hints at what a project would look like. I will get to this eventually.

For now, we have the current US presidential race. Michael Tomasky, probably my favorite political analyst, has today written a piece on Romney which touches upon the themes of affect and authenticity, namely that Romney doesn’t emote politics from the gut. He doesn’t ‘hate liberals’ according to Tomasky, and his pragmatism is considered inauthentic. Obama, another manifest pragmatist, also suffers from this but less so. He’s accused of being ‘aloof’ and ‘cerebral’ which is code for ‘cold and rational’ to many, the opposite of the affective. Yet, his candidacy for president was propelled by an incredibly affective tsunami that overwhelmed all other candidates. And, as I wrote in an essay about the campaign, his strategy was a brilliant re-appropriation of the mythos of American exceptionalism.

I met Drew Westen when he presented The Political Brain at Politics and Prose. He, like George Lakoff, is a little too into the idea of becoming a political consultant. The scientific work, as a consequence, is dumbed down and partisan political positionality is too much to the fore. I’ve used books by both for a module in my online Discourse Analysis course.

Add Tomasky’s piece to Jane Mayer’s recent essay in the New Yorker on Larry McCarthy, apparently living not that far from here, and its little wonder that there is an “affective turn” among contemporary academics. Figuring out how to study this in micro-political detail, with serious empirical measures, however, is really challenging.

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